When Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar claimed in 2023 that “Pakistan is irrelevant,” there was an attempt to assert finality, as if to end decades of sub-continental rivalry with a kill shot. After that moment, however, Prime Minister Narendra Modi went out of his way to assert that Pakistan is not only relevant but also at the center of every geopolitical discussion involving South Asia. From the United Nations podiums to Modi’s sermons on social media, Pakistan has become a relentless obsession for Modi to the point that Islamabad has turned into a trending global topic. In trying to isolate Pakistan, bask in the irony that Modi has become the country’s most devoted hype man, albeit unsalaried and uninvited, in what is his fierce bid to turn Pakistan’s perception in the world.
Consider the Balakot episode of 2019, which the Indian government claimed was a surgical strike in Pakistan’s territory. Step by step, the episode transformed into a masterclass in strategic overload and media overhype. Rather than damaging Pakistani infrastructure or morale, the incident drew global scrutiny of India’s aggressive posturing. The measured military response from Pakistan, which included the downing of an Indian MiG-21 and the dignified return of its pilot Abhinandan “Tea is Fantastic” Varthaman after capture, left international observers astonished. Uninterested think tanks, along with foreign media outlets, reignited their interest in South Asia’s long-forgotten rivalry.
Now, attention isn’t simply directed towards India’s growing entitlement but also to Pakistan’s measured calm and increasing credibility.
In Modi’s next stunning political maneuver, he eliminated Article 370 from Jammu & Kashmir. The goal was to symbolize strength and decisiveness, but it instead drew global outrage against Modi. The worldwide condemnations over the unprecedented lockdown, communication blackout, and other human rights abuses allowed Pakistan to exploit the situation diplomatically. Unlike previous instances, Islamabad did not need to declare anything; it was Modi who did the necessary work. From the United Nations to the European Parliament, every global forum took notice. Modi’s attempt to forcefully “Indianize” Kashmir paradoxically globalized the territorial dispute, read President Trump’s X after the 2025 ceasefire posts if you don’t believe a Pakistani.
A possible slogan for an advertising campaign promoting Modi’s policies might read, “Look away, but let me tell you everything that big, bad Pakistan is up to.” This juxtaposed contradiction precisely mirrors Modi’s inconsistencies. While he claims Pakistan is inconsequential, he highlights it in every speech, tweet, and press release. In the UN General Assembly? Modi mentions Pakistan. In the State elections of Uttar Pradesh and the upcoming 2025 Bihar elections, Pakistan makes another appearance. Even when discussing internal Indian politics, such as citizenship laws or the hijab ban, Pakistan is brought into the conversation like a political prop. Dare any BJP/RSS Hindutva leaders to utter two coherent sentences without using the words Pakistan, Islam, or Muslim, and their entire political vocabulary would come crashing down like a house of cards.
It appears that the BJP portrays Pakistan as the antagonist in its narrative to promote and commercialize its brand of nationalism.
The consequences of this name-dropping are damaging. For much of the rest of the world, particularly in the Arab world, the Global South, and some parts of the West, Modi’s fixation on Pakistan has sparked interest. It compels them to ask: Why is there an obsession with what is labeled an “irrelevant” country? Why is there a need to flex muscles and indulge in false narratives? These observations are far more revealing than the direct geopolitical impacts of Modi’s actions and demonstrate how audiences are more informed and aware of the context that surrounds them.
Even more remarkable is how Muslim-majority nations have focused on Modi’s policies as a deterioration. The CAA, NRC, lynchings of Muslims, and bans on religious symbols have fundamentally altered India’s carefully curated image as a multi-faith democracy into an Islamophobic, fascist Hindutva supremacist state. Evolving perceptions of Islam have created an unexpected strategic space for Pakistan, reshaping India’s relations with Arab nations that had grown fond of India for trade and technology. On specific occasions, their public outrage over Islamophobic incidents in India has compelled their leaders to adopt positions that, while private, effectively amount to censuring high-level state visits.
As India adopts a more assertive approach toward its Muslim population, Pakistan’s response to Hindu nationalist extremism seeks legitimacy. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has shifted its focus on the South Asian narrative, increasingly concentrating on Indian-occupied Kashmir and intensifying its critiques. Editorial teams in Doha, Riyadh, and even Istanbul view Pakistan’s position as credible, particularly in light of the surge of Hindutva nationalism in India.
The 2025 Pahalgam Attack is another example of strategic Indian overreach. While the blood was still being cleaned up, Indian media had already declared judgment: Pakistan did it. The timing, the wording, and the spin felt very familiar, like it had been done before. This time, at least, the world was less gullible. Foreign think tanks and intelligence circles began to raise eyebrows. This quick-fire set of accusations, alongside India’s track record of opaque political scams, was perceived more and more as another politically motivated operation masquerading as an investigation aimed at boosting domestic support. The narrative fell faster than the Rafale.
These claims were ill-crafted, but they were real, and Modi’s theatrics and incoherent reasoning were used as supporting pillars. Modi’s credibility could only be damaged even further, as shown through the unsolicited claim of the success of his fabricated claims of success after Balakot and the countless surgical strike dramatizations. Bollywood can surely attest to these claims.
The rise of open-source intelligence and transnational digital activism has negatively impacted the Hindutva state’s ability to sell war stories easily. It is here that Pakistan found room to maneuver. Instead of being reactive, Islamabad was proactive and strategically adept, issuing calm refutations and employing third-party validators while letting India’s hysteria discredit itself. This serves as a Pakistan diplomatic achievement that strategically showcases its prowess while allowing the global audience to take serious note.
Equally impressive changes are happening on Pakistani soil. Consider Modi, who inadvertently managed to unite Pakistanis under a single banner thanks to his constant overexposure of his Pakistan-phobia. Modi’s incessant provocations forged a shared sense of Pakistani purpose amongst the civil-military divide, provincial divides, and infighting within political camps. The youth, who had been lying in wait behind a veil of cynicism, fatigue, and exhaustion, are now finally ready to reclaim their voice. Social media influencers and comedians, along with academics and journalists, have started fighting back with data, humor, and sharp analysis that encapsulates reality, often outpacing India’s cyber machinery.
Pakistan’s diplomatic corps seems to have gotten a surge in energy, too. Instead of crying wolves or torching their targets with aggressive rhetoric, the diplomatic strategy has mellowed to support the power of evidence instead of fiery denunciation. There is noticeably enhanced activity among foreign missions on social media to engage Western audiences in their language.
After all, the days of ‘defensive diplomacy’ have passed. Pakistan is moving full throttle on ‘confident engagement.’ The Indian propensity for aggression has been the motivating factor for this shift. Indeed, this shift reflects the sophistication of the Pakistani diplomatic corps’ response, indicating increasing diplomatic skill vis-a-vis Indian aggression.
The irony, of course, is that Modi seems remarkably oblivious to the service he is providing. All the while trying to demonize and dismiss Pakistan, he has done an impeccable job of amplifying the country instead. Modi is obsessed with his competitors, probably like a brand manager, whose sole focus is on the country he attempts to convince the world to forget. Alas, every single one of his speeches has Pakistan plastered all over it. The hyperbole of every single false flag operation and headline from India’s Modi-Cult media is there to help. Each boast, every claim made without evidence, and every headline meant to anger fill Indian media, serving at no charge as free publicity for Pakistan.
If there’s been a lesson to learn over the past few years, it’s that geopolitics is the arena where attention is currency. Modi is lavishly spending this currency on Pakistan. India’s constant boasting has prompted think tank briefings, senior diplomatic meetings, and discussions worldwide to question, “What’s the purpose of this illogical Pakistan-phobia?” The reality is that India seems to question its existence without the mention. Despite Modi’s attempts to isolate Islamabad, he ends up becoming isolated on the global stage, ultimately admitting that he loses focus both morally and rhetorically. India’s bluff has been called out globally.
Perhaps Modi needs to stop getting bombarded with misinformation and strategize around communications, because the more reasoned discourse would be to focus on policy instead of Pakistan. Pakistan can, for now, bask in the unsolicited publicity, as such encounters are not a common phenomenon, where adversaries transition into zealous promoters. This brand endorsement is remarkable given that it was procured without any investment from Pakistan. Apologies, Mr. Jaishankar… Pakistan will always be relevant!
Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in the writing are the author’s own and do not represent the policy of Khabar Kada.
Author
-
Barrister Rashid Ahmed is a prominent lawyer and a legal, political, and foreign policy commentator based in London, England.
View all posts